Author Archives: Amnesty

We Can’t Ignore the Conflict in Sudan

by Hero Aiken

What is the history of this conflict?

The current civil war erupted in April of 2023, and has its roots in decades of armed conflict between rivalling factions in Sudan. The most recent violence has taken place between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF), led by general Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan “Hemdti” Dagalo’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). In 2019, the two groups joined forces in order to oust the then dictatorial leader Omar al-Bashir, in response to “broad popular and civil society mobilization for a change in leadership” (Vox). However, the ensuing attempts to transition to a democratic government were unsuccessful, and created a power struggle between the SAF and the RSF which has resulted in direct military conflict between the two parties (The Guardian).

While violence initially broke out in Khartoum and the nearby city of Omdurman, it has since spread to the regions of Port Sudan and Darfur. This widespread conflict zone covers almost the entirety of Sudan, which is one of Africa’s largest countries. Unfortunately, this military conflict has been accompanied by “inter-communal violence” in the Darfur region, as well as the formation of armed self-defence groups from what had previously been “neighbourhood resistance communities,” committed to the return of civilian democratic governance in Sudan (UNHCR, Chatham House). What’s more, there have been credible reports that the RSF is engaging in targeted assaults on certain minority groups, such as the Masalit, much as they did during the ethnically motivated violence in the Darfur region in 2003 (Vox).

Tragically, “both the RSF and army have been accused of indiscriminate shelling of residential areas, targeting civilians and obstructing and commandeering essential aid” (Aljazeera). However, despite the dire nature of the situation in Sudan, as well as linked crises in the region of the Horn of Africa, “the African region is critically undercovered in the media, and the Sudan war has suffered that fate.” It is clear that “the conflict and humanitarian situation will only continue to spiral if the international community keeps ignoring it” (Vox).

What are its current and future effects on Sudan’s people?

It goes without saying that the current civil war is producing untold suffering among Sudan’s civilian population. Of the country’s nearly 46 million inhabitants, roughly 12% have been internally displaced – that amounts to about 6 million people. Besides this, over 1.4 million Sudanese individuals have fled to neighbouring countries including Chad, South Sudan, Ethiopia and Central African Republic in search of safety (UNHCR). This means that Sudan is currently facing one of the world’s largest displacement crises (OCHA).

Besides this, the Sudanese population is being confronted with the threat of famine and disease due to the fact that the civil war has rendered it “challenging to establish an effective and competent civilian government capable of fulfilling the state obligations in providing public services” (Sudan Tribune). The widespread violence in Sudan has made it nearly impossible for individuals to receive adequate medical care, and cholera has proliferated, with there having been around 10 700 suspected cases as of February 2024 (OCHA). What’s more, “with expectations of a reduced upcoming harvest, prices of staple food are likely to remain atypically high in the harvest season” (OCHA). This issue will only contribute to the rampant food insecurity which is already present in Sudan. To this point, Aljazeera reports that “more than 18 million Sudanese are facing acute food insecurity – 10 million more than at this time last year – while 730,000 Sudanese children are believed to be suffering from severe malnutrition.”

On top of this, the risk of sexual violence and rape at the hands of armed forces has risen sharply for Sudan’s women and girls, and the number of children who are without education in the country is close to reaching 19 million (The Guardian). This heartbreaking information is even more striking when considering the dearth of Western media attention which has been focused on Sudan in the past year. As we approach the one year anniversary of the beginning of the current hostilities, Edem Wosornu, director of operations at the UN Office for the Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs has argued that, “simply put, we are failing the people of Sudan” (Aljazeera).

What paths are there to peace?

From the above, it is clear that the Sudanese people are in desperate need of humanitarian aid, a need which cannot be adequately responded to in the absence of a ceasefire. According to Alex de Waal, executive director of the World Peace Foundation, this outcome will necessitate the mediation of international groups, as well as neighbouring countries, and regional cooperation. Moreover, he argues that “a common goal of preventing the worst outcome should override differing preferences for who should lead the country” (Chatham House). It seems clear that mitigating the suffering of the Sudanese civilian ought to be the greatest concern in considering how to handle the current conflict in that country, and that the desire for increased power in the form of control over land or natural ressources is a serious impediment to peace in Sudan and the surrounding area.

Above all, a resolution to Sudan’s civil war will be reached most quickly through global cooperation, something which requires that we keep our attention trained on the atrocities that are currently taking place in that country. In the words of de Waal, “if Sudan remains an international orphan, the calamity will only deepen” (Chatham House). We owe it to the people of Sudan to value their safety over our discomfort, and to engage with humanitarian and news reports which emerge from within the current crisis.

Works Cited

Al Jazeera. (2024, March 11). Sudan War threatens “world’s largest hunger crisis”: WFP. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/3/6/sudan-war-could-trigger-worst-famine-in-world-wfp

de Waal, A. (2024). Sudan is collapsing – here’s how to stop it. https://www.chathamhouse.org/publications/the-world-today/2024-02/sudan-collapsing-heres-how-stop-it

Grandi, F. (2024). Sudan emergency. UNHCR. https://www.unhcr.org/emergencies/sudan-emergency

Guardian News and Media. (2024, April 15). What caused the Civil War in Sudan and how has it become one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises? The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/mar/22/what-caused-the-civil-war-in-sudan-and-how-has-it-become-one-of-the-worlds-worst-humanitarian-crises

Ioanes, E. (2024, March 5). Don’t ignore Sudan’s horrific conflict. Vox. https://www.vox.com/24090710/sudan-conflict-war-crime-allegations-briefly-explained

Saeed, S. (2024). Options for a transitional government in war-torn Sudan. Sudan Tribune. https://sudantribune.com/article283604/

Sudan crisis one of the “worst humanitarian disasters in recent memory”: Un. AlJazeera. (2024, March 20). https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/3/20/sudan-is-one-of-the-worst-humanitarian-disasters-in-recent-memory-un

Sudan maps. Worldometer. (n.d.). https://www.worldometers.info/maps/sudan-maps/#google_vignette

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. (2024). Sudan Situation Report. Situation Reports. https://reports.unocha.org/en/country/sudan/

The Rise of Fascism: Yesterday and Today

by Hero Aiken

Data indicate that violent action and rhetoric against marginalized groups is on the rise in almost every region of the world. A number of far-right leaders and governments are now in power – especially in Europe. Italy’s current prime minister Georgia Melon and her party the Brothers of Italy are widely viewed as the closest Italy has come to Mussolini’s fascist politics since World War II. The largest party in the Dutch parliament is now a far right party. Geert Wilders’ proposed policies include a net-zero immigration rate for the Netherlands, as well as a complete ban on mosques and the Quran. Moreover, right-wing populists currently hold the second most seats in the national parliaments of both Finland and Sweden (The Wire).

Many of the aforementioned countries have long been heralded as models for political moderation and democracy. It is therefore all the more alarming that they have not resisted the global trend towards fascist ideas. I have deliberately chosen the examples above in order to impress upon the reader that no state – no matter how democratic or tolerant – is free from the possibility of a return to dangerous or right-wing politics. In other words, the human rights that we now enjoy cannot be regarded as irrevocable.

The passing of time has meant that our knowledge of World War II’s horrors has largely become second hand, and has been relegated almost entirely to the history textbook. The rise of right-wing populism which swept Europe and led to the industrialization of genocide and mass displacement is often regarded as being of purely academic interest, allowing those of us who reside in wealthy democracies to feel as though we are immune to the danger of returning to nationalist or totalitarian rule.

Seventy-nine years after the supposed fall of fascism, barely more than 5% of American World War II veterans are still alive. Well over 100 of these individuals die every day (USA Today). Similarly, fewer than 250 000 Holocaust survivors are still alive in 2024, a miniscule number compared to the millions murdered in the concentration camps of Europe (Washington Post). This may begin to explain why over 10% of respondents to a recent American survey on Holocaust knowledge had never heard the word “Holocaust” before (NBC). Likewise, in a survey conducted on the 70th anniversary of the Normandy Landings (D-Day), 1 in 10 American college graduates admitted to believing that the landings occurred at Pearl Harbor, in Hawai’i (ACTA). It is clear from this information that we are losing our collective living memory of World War II and its associated atrocities.

Not only is this lack of knowledge profoundly embarrassing, it is also very dangerous. As the dictum goes: “those who do not learn history are destined to repeat it.” If education on past wars is not kept up, how will we know to adopt governments who won’t espouse fascist ideals? If knowledge of past genocides and past totalitarian regimes is not common knowledge, who will keep these institutions at bay? Unfortunately, I believe that we have already begun to witness the failures of education and memory in this area.

Although “[a]nnual data are still being compiled, […] police across Canada have been reporting marked increases in the number of crimes targeting Muslims and Jews alike” (CityNews). Along these same lines, attacks based on sexual orientation have risen 13.8% in the past year, in the United States (HRC). Europe is no exception to this alarming rule; almost half of Europeans of African descent face overt racism in their daily lives, and that number reaches 70% in some countries. This represents a marked increase from previous years.

From this, it is painfully clear that fascist sentiment is once more on the rise throughout Europe and the world, and this despite the purported safeguards of democracy. Because of this, it is more important than ever to remember that the fight for the maintenance of human rights is not one that admits complacency. Recent events such as the overturning of Roe v. Wade and the stripping of abortion rights in many American states ought to remind the reader that each human right that we now take for granted was won through the hardwork and sacrifice of real people, and can be lost if the ideals and practices which won it are abandoned. Resisting yesterday’s rise of fascism took a concerted international effort, how will we continue these efforts today?

Works Cited

Alacbay, A. (2014, May 7). On 70th Anniversary of D-Day, Survey Finds Many Americans Know Little About the Fateful Battle. American Council of Trustees and Alumni. https://www.goacta.org/2014/06/on_70th_anniversary_of_d_day_survey_finds_many_americans_know_little_about/

Lagatta, E. (2023). 131 World War II vets die each day, on average; here is how their stories are being preserved. USA Today. https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2023/11/10/historians-world-war-ii-america-veterans-day/71393175007/

Luneau, D. (2023). FBI’s Annual Crime Report — Amid State of Emergency, Anti-LGBTQ+ Hate Crimes Hit Staggering Record Highs. Human Rights Campaign. https://www.hrc.org/press-releases/fbis-annual-crime-report-amid-state-of-emergency-anti-lgbtq-hate-crimes-hit-staggering-record-highs

O’Flaherty, M. (2023, November 23). Europe’s shame: how to confront rising racism. The Parliament Magazine. https://www.theparliamentmagazine.eu/news/article/europes-shame-how-to-confront-rising-racism

Ramgopal, K. (2020). Survey finds “shocking” lack of Holocaust knowledge among millennials and Gen Z. NBC News. https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/survey-finds-shocking-lack-holocaust-knowledge-among-millennials-gen-z-n1240031

Robertson, D. (2024, January 27). Anti-Islamophobia envoy warns of chill on speaking out about Gaza, hate crimes. CityNews Toronto. https://toronto.citynews.ca/2024/01/27/anti-islamophobia-envoy-warns-of-chill-on-speaking-out-about-gaza-hate-crimes/

Timsit, A. (2024). 245,000 Jewish holocaust survivors are alive today. Where are they now?. Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/01/24/jewish-holocaust-survivors/

Whitehead, A. (2023). The Right Wing Is on the Rise Globally. The Wire. https://thewire.in/world/the-right-wing-is-on-the-rise-globally

The Plight of Female Sugarcane Cutters in Maharashtra

by Elsa Rollier

India is the second largest sugar producer in the world and the state of Maharashtra alone accounts for almost a third of that production (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Maharashtra provides sugar for multiple countries, as well as multinational companies such as Coca-Cola or Pepsi (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). However, this huge industry relies on an abusive labor system.

As Oxfam Germany’s Business Global Coordinator Pooja Adhikari explains: “There are deep-rooted concerns in the way the [sugar industry] functions, regarding human rights violations, migrant labour and the living conditions [of labourers], child labour and child marriages, and women’s rights” (Shukla, Aggarwal & Upreti, 2022). Indeed, the labor system in Maharashtra’s sugar industry is extremely abusive towards its workers. Sugar laborers do not receive wages, but an advance from their employers at the start of each harvest season, which lasts around 6 months (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). This advance typically represents around $1800 for one couple (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024), and the interest rate of these loans are high, as contractors usually lend money to workers with a 50 to 60% interest rate (Shukla, Aggarwal & Upreti, 2022). The workers then have to pay back that advance with their work in the fields and also have to pay a fee in order to miss work, even for medical reasons (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). And this system is only getting reinforced. As Narayan Gaikwad, a member of the farmer’s association All India Kisan Sabha notes: “In the past four to five years, the instances of debt bondage have increased a lot” (Jain, 2023).

One of the consequences of this abusive labor system is the pressure put on female sugar laborers to get hysterectomies, a surgery to remove the uterus (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Hysterectomies are routinely performed worldwide but are not common for women under 40 years old (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). In India, such surgeries are more common for instance as a birth control measure; but in Maharashtra, women are pushed by various actors (their contractors, other sugar field workers and sometimes doctors) to get this surgery (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). This operation is very widespread amongst women working in the sugar fields, and a local government report revealed that out of 82,200 female sugar cane workers working in the district of Beed in Maharashtra, approximately one in five had a hysterectomy (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). These operations are paid by labor brokers lending money for the surgeries in order to treat ailments like painful periods, which can keep women from working effectively in the fields (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Women therefore “seek hysterectomies in hopes of stopping their periods, as a drastic form of uterine cancer prevention or to end the need for routine gynecological care” (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024).

After undergoing a hysterectomy, women then continue their work without having to deal with medical visits or menstruation issues in an environment where they have no access to toilets, shelters or even running water (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). As sugar industry worker Gangabai Prakash Shingare explains: “I have worked in Maharashtra and Karnataka but I have not once seen a toilet or bathroom for women. Men can walk to the nearest pond and bathe but what do we do? Early in the morning, when it is still dark, we walk into dense sugarcane fields. That is the only time and place we have to manage our businesses” (Sah, 2022). Women do not have access to menstrual hygiene and healthcare, for menstrual products are expensive and complicated to find and take care of; and women in the fields typically have to use reused cloth that they wash by hand during their periods (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Most of the women working in the fields are not educated about these operations and are left with little choice (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024).

However, these surgeries are not without risk for women, especially under 40 years old (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Indeed, women encounter short-term risks such as blood clots or abdominal pain, but also long-term risks such as osteoporosis or higher chances of heart disease due to early menopause, for a hysterectomy often involves the removal of the ovaries as well (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Furthermore, in addition to the health consequences, they also have to pay back the surgery, which increases their debt, keeping them even longer in the fields (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Young girls in Maharashtra are also pushed into marriage because working in the fields to cut sugar cane as a couple pays more than a man working alone (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Also, when children accompany their parents in the fields, parents have to support them, which is why families usually try to get their daughters to marry young, and contractors also sometimes pressure girls to get married (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). As associate professor at Wardha‘s Kumbhalkar College of Social Work Mahadev Chunche points out, sexual harassment is a big issue for female sugar laborers (Shukla et al., 2022). Out of the 400 women working in Maharashtra’s sugar industry that Chunche interviewed, almost 80% of them spoke about the molestation, rape, or sexual harassment they faced by male workers, intermediaries, or drivers (Shukla et al., 2022). Women are also pushed to stay silent: “Sometimes the pressure is from the labour contractors not to speak but the main reason is their poverty. They fear that if they report [the abuse], it will bring disrepute, they will get no more work and there will be no one to marry them.” (Shukla et al., 2022). A study by researchers from Symbiosis International University in 2020 affirmed the living and working conditions of these women as “violate basic human rights” (Shukla et al., 2022).

The working conditions in the fields are extremely harsh. Laborers typically work until midnight, sleep under tents on thin mattresses, and women wake up before their families, around 4 a.m., to take care of the chores and prepare for the day before going back to work (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). A workday typically lasts between 13 to 16 hours, during which workers plant seeds, irrigate crops, cut sugar canes and load them for transportation to the sugar mills (Shukla, Aggarwal & Upreti, 2022). The workers have to work in extreme heat, which severely impacts their physical and mental health, and can lead them to develop troubles such as anemia, anxiety, or depression (Shukla, Aggarwal & Upreti, 2022). These conditions have also deteriorated because of the impacts of climate change, which led more crops to fail and made fewer jobs accessible for small scale-farmers or agriculture, leading even more workers to migrate (Jain, 2023). In addition, by engendering droughts or heatwaves, climate change also led contractors to lend less money to workers, when those events led to the destruction of crops (Shukla, Aggarwal & Upreti, 2022). Due to the decrease of sugar cane yields, more workers are coming back to the sugar fields for multiple seasons (Jain, 2023). Along with the decline of the harvests, the rise of sugar cutting machines might also further degrade the working conditions of the laborers in the field, leaving them “with much less work and no bargaining power” (Jain, 2023). Indeed, the contractors do not keep track of how much sugar the workers cut, nor establish official work contracts, and claim after every season that workers did not pay back their advance (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). This type of arrangement has been defined by the United Nations labor agency and workers’ rights group as forced labor (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024).

This abusive system is not a secret. Sugar producers, as well as the companies buying from them, are aware of such arrangements (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). As mentioned before, the labor from these women and families provides sugar to companies like Pepsi or Coca-Cola which both confirmed they were buying sugar in Maharashtra, and mostly use it for products distributed in India (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). In addition to supporting this abusive system, these companies are also aware of the conditions of the sugar laborers. In 2019, an investigation was launched by a Maharashtra state lawmaker regarding the high number of hysterectomies among female sugar-cane cutters (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). After surveying thousands of women, researchers reported that workers faced horrible working conditions (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). They established a link between the sugar industry and the high level of hysterectomies performed in the state, which they tied to the inability for women to take time off during their pregnancy or for medical appointments, which leaves them with no choice but this surgery (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). In 2019, Coca-Cola also issued another report from Arche Advisors audit firm, which visited 123 farms in Maharashtra and another state (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). They revealed they had found children workers in approximately half of the farms, who either migrated along with their parents, or were directly working in the fields cutting, carrying and bundling sugar cane (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). The firm noted that the suppliers of Coca-Cola did not provide any toilets or shelters to the workers (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Therefore, the report called on the mills to provide these basic elements, as well as the minimum wage to workers (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024).

These companies have publicly condemned such systems. In another corporate report in 2019, Coca-Cola affirmed it was supporting a program to “gradually reduce child labor” in India (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). The company published, like Pepsico, codes of conduct that prohibits business partners and suppliers to use forced labor or child labor (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Pepsico also issued a statement saying that: “The description of the working conditions of sugar-cane cutters in Maharashtra is deeply concerning […] We will engage with our franchisee partners to conduct an assessment to understand the sugar-cane cutter working conditions and any actions that may need to be taken.” (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Major buyer companies like Coca-Cola and Pepsico claim they hold their suppliers to strict standards of labor rights, however these same companies rarely monitor the numerous farms their supply chains rely on (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). They instead rely on the sugar mill owners that supply them, but these owners claim they do not employ the workers themselves. They pay contractors to do so and therefore have no influence on the treatment of those workers (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). These contractors often do not have any qualifications in terms of employment and simply distribute the money of the mill owners and consequently cannot oversee working conditions (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). One of the only changes made was the creation of a rule requiring civil surgeons (the top health officials of the district) to approve hysterectomies, in order to prevent some doctors to profit off unnecessary operations; but the surgeries on younger women still continue, and little overall change has been made (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Indeed, the sugar industry in Maharashtra relies on that system. As Sanjay Khatal, the managing director of a sugar mill lobbying group explains, for mill owners to provide benefits to workers, it would require them to be seen as direct employers, which would raise costs and compromise the entire system: “It is the very existence of the industry which can come into question” (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024). Therefore, these brands keep on profiting from a violent labor system, exploiting children and pushing women to get unnecessary hysterectomies (Rajagopalan & Inzamam, 2024).

As Article 12 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) states, the discrimination of women in regards to health services is prohibited, and states are obliged to provide appropriate services for women’s reproductive health (Kanodia, 2023). States thus need to provide access to healthcare and services by trained professionals to every woman regardless of their status (Kanodia, 2023). In a recent case in India (Dr. Narendra Gupta versus Union of India & Ors) dating from April 2023, Dr. D.Y. Chandrachud, the Chief Justice of India (CJI) declared: “The right to health is an intrinsic element of the right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution. Life, to be enjoyed in all its diverse elements, must be based on robust conditions of health. There has been a serious violation of the fundamental rights of the women who underwent unnecessary hysterectomies”, and also said each state should set a hysterectomy monitoring committee to oversee medical institutions that perform unnecessary hysterectomies (Kanodia, 2023). Unnecessary hysterectomies performed under pressure on uninformed women are a violation of women’s personal liberty and fundamental rights (Kanodia, 2023). In order for women to be fully informed about the procedure, they will need to have access to information about the post-effects of the surgery, as well as about other alternative treatments (Kanodia, 2023).

As principal researcher for IIED Ritu Bhardwaj claims, the situation of these female sugar workers could be seen as a consequence of the current climate crisis (Mishra, 2024). According to her, the loss and damage fund established during COP27 in 2022 to compensate people for “irreversible losses” due to climate change should be used to compensate these female workers as well: “When we talk about the losses incurred and the damage done by climate change, we’re not just talking about flooded apartments in New York, or scorched hillsides in Greece. These women’s experiences are also a result of climate change which has decimated their livelihoods, and some of what they have lost – their dignity, good health, in some cases their lives – is difficult to quantify” (Mishra, 2024). For instance, the money could be used to enhance access to healthcare or provide more social protection: “By prioritising direct cash or benefit transfers to the most vulnerable communities, including leveraging technology and financial inclusion, the fund can ensure swift support reaches those in need” (Mishra, 2024).

Works Cited

Jain, S. (2023, February 7). In Maharashtra, sugarcane workers suffer debt bondage as climate change ruins crops. Scroll.in. https://scroll.in/article/1043358/in-maharashtra-sugarcane-workers-suffer-debt-bondage-as-clima te-change-ruins-crops

Kanodia, A. (2023, October 22). The tall sugarcane in Beed hides a bitter truth. NewsClick. https://www.newsclick.in/tall-sugarcane-beed-hides-bitter-truth

Mishra, S. (2024, March 12). In a hotter world, these women are left with little option but sterilization. The Independent. https://www.independent.co.uk/climate-change/news/beed-maharashtra-india-drought-women-st erilization-b2511174.html

Rajagopalan, M., & Inzamam, Q. (2024, March 24). The brutality of sugar: Debt, Child marriage and hysterectomies. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/24/world/asia/india-sugar-cane-fields-child-labor-hysterectom ies.html?searchResultPosition=23

Sah, P. (2023, November 10). Why women sugarcane cutters of Maharashtra seek needless hysterectomies. BehanBox. https://behanbox.com/2022/07/19/why-women-sugarcane-cutters-of-maharashtra-seek-needless- hysterectomies/

Shukla, A., Aggarwal, M., & Upreti, M. (2022, December 20). Migrant labourers suffer exploitation in India’s sugar fields. Climate Home News. https://www.climatechangenews.com/2022/12/19/migrant-labourers-suffer-exploitation-in-indias -sugar-fields/#:~:text=More%20and%20more%2C%20these%20migrants,a%20report%20by%2 0Oxfam%20India.

Shukla, A., Aggarwal, M., Upreti, M., & Bhatia, G. (2022, December 21). India’s female cane cutters face child marriage and hysterectomy. Climate Home News. https://www.climatechangenews.com/2022/12/20/indias-female-cane-cutters-face-child-marriage -and-hysterectomy/

No More Turning Away: Homelessness in Our City

by Hero Aiken

“You can’t sleep on the streets, would you? Of course not. Me either, but it’s the option that’s available.” – Innocent Amuda (Global News)

When the matter of homelessness in Toronto is presented as a collection of detached facts it is easy to forget the devastating reality of the situations to which they refer. Most of you reading this will not have had to triage admission to a respite shelter. I am willing to bet, however, that you have walked past an unhoused person, and decided whether or not to offer them spare change. That person might have been one of 140 people denied shelter in April of this year. They might even have wound up one of the approximately 3 people who died weekly from homelessness in 2023 (City of Toronto).

Now, I want to make it clear that my intentions are not to make any reader feel guilty; even the more privileged Torontonian does not have encouraging economic prospects. It is not certain, therefore, that any given person has anything to spare for their homeless fellows. That said, my intention is to highlight the plight of homeless people, in the hopes of making it harder for the average Torontonian to ignore. Just as the government’s efforts to disguise our unhoused populations through hostile architecture make it harder to demand action towards alleviating their condition, the willful ignorance of many of our city’s more fortunate has a similar effect.

I fear that at this point, I may lose some readers in protest against my condemnation of their actions. Perhaps you will say that you do not look away from the suffering of others out of malice. Perhaps you will say that you do not look away from the suffering of others out of a lack of regard for their humanity. “It is the opposite, actually,” you might explain, “I look away because I care too much. It’s just too painful to keep my eyes on hardship that I am powerless to alleviate.” If that is the case, I could not agree more. I cannot assent, however, to the idea that this absolves us of the responsibility of at least bearing witness to the pain felt by our homeless neighbours. I am not asking you to part with your money. I am not asking that you sacrifice any of the material comforts that you enjoy in your daily life. I merely ask that you endure the relatively miniscule burden of helping to keep the public’s eyes trained on this humiliation, a humiliation that is among humanity’s greatest: our failure to provide the necessities of life for our daughters, brothers, nieces, grandparents and friends.

In January of 2022, I wrote an article for Amnesty International U of T on the plight of unhoused individuals in Toronto. I spoke about the disingenuous ways in which our federal and municipal governments promote an image of benevolence and generosity, while failing to provide for our most vulnerable populations. I also detailed the lack of services available to homeless and transient Torontonians. I wrote about how every penny and every man-hour that goes towards disguising the issue of homelessness in our city, rather than towards solving it, is a disgrace. Almost two years on, the lived circumstances of Toronto’s unhoused people remain largely unchanged.

As per the Toronto Star, “[a]cross Toronto, more than 10,500 people are known to be homeless, according to the city’s latest data from April.” This is at least a 6% increase from 2022. Perhaps even more striking is the fact that there were more than 4,200 instances of people being turned away from shelters in April 2023 alone (“Homeless Encampments are Growing Again in Toronto,” §8). What’s more, city counsel has warned that its spending on shelters has far exceeded the amount allotted for this purpose in its annual budget (§25). This information can only be received with alarm; Toronto is not able to adequately address the needs of its homeless citizens, even while financially overreaching itself. Without additional support from both federal and provincial governments, it is clear that the number of people turned away from shelters will only grow, especially as we enter the colder months.

Furthermore, the above statistics cover only the difficulties faced by Toronto’s unhoused in achieving temporary access to basic necessities. I have not said anything about the housing crisis more broadly, and the bleak prospects with which Toronto’s most vulnerable are faced when searching for a permanent place to call home. As housing prices skyrocket, and wages do not rise in kind, even people who are currently housed can find themselves on the path to homelessness, if they are faced with job loss or health concerns (The Homeless Hub). This is acutely felt by recent immigrants and refugees arriving in Toronto, many of whom have had to inaugurate their stay in Canada with a bout of homelessness (Global News).

I want to emphasize that housing is a human right like any other, and that the circumstances that I have described are those of people who are being denied a human right.The above information, though presented as a slew of statistics, represents the daily situation of a real population, made up of real individuals, who are enduring real suffering. In my previous article, I denounced the ways in which our governments take calculated actions towards the disguising of this injustice, in Toronto. Obviously, this makes it more difficult for resources to be directed towards the alleviation of homelessness. This is not the only obstacle affecting our response to our unhoused neighbours; individuals like you and me are just as guilty of effacing this issue in our own minds.

Works Cited

City of Toronto. (2024, January 25). Deaths of people experiencing homelessness. https://www.toronto.ca/community-people/health-wellness-care/health-inspections-m onitoring/monitoring-deaths-of-homeless-people/.

Gibson, V. (2023, June 8). Homeless encampments are growing again in Toronto, as the city faces a surging crisis. Toronto Star. https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/homeless-encampments-are-growing-again-in-toronto-as-the-city-faces-a-surging-crisis/article_83795fa0-e8bd-5001-93e7-6cccdb6b4190.html#:~:text=The%20number%20of%20homeless%20encampments,the%20city’s%20deepening%20homelessness%20crisis.

Jackson, H., & Rocca, R. (2023, August 16). Toronto is in a housing “crisis” leaving newcomers, residents in the lurch. Global News. https://globalnews.ca/news/9882577/new-roots-toronto-housing-immigration/

Where will we live? ontario’s Affordable Housing Crisis. Where Will We Live? Ontario’s Affordable Housing Crisis | The Homeless Hub. (2018). https://www.homelesshub.ca/resource/where-will-we-live-ontarios-affordable-housing-crisis

Dispelling A Myth About Feminism

by Laura Moldoveanu

55% of people believe that gender inequality exists, yet far fewer support or identify as feminist (Beaver, 2022). In fact, one-third of men believe that feminism does more harm than good. A common misconception is that feminism promotes misandry or is anti-man. In this article views on feminism versus gender equality are analyzed to examine whether this idea is a fact or a harmful myth.

Firstly, let us clear up the most basic definitions. Feminism, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, is the “Advocacy of equality of the sexes and the establishment of the political, social, and economic rights of the female sex”. Merriam-Webster states feminism is the “belief in and advocacy of the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes expressed especially through organized activity on behalf of women’s rights and interests”. A simple Google search brings up that feminism is “the advocacy of women’s rights on the basis of the equality of the sexes”. Nowhere in any of these entries are the ideas of anti-manness, female superiority, hate, misandry, etc.

A 2020 Pew Research Center survey of American women found that 61% agree that the term “feminist” describes them to some extent, but only 19% say that it describes them very well (Barroso, 2020). At the same time, 45% see it as polarizing and 30% as outdated, with an intersectional lens finding that almost half of white adults view feminism in a somewhat negative light as opposed to around a third of Black or Hispanic adults (Barroso, 2020) . Interestingly, another study done by the Pew Research Center asking people about their views on gender equality found much more favourable results: 69% of women who self-identify as non-feminist say that it is important for women to have equal rights with men (Minkin, 2020).

A common theme between all three definitions outlined above is supporting women’s rights and equality between the sexes, which is exactly what the majority of “non-feminists” say that they support. So where does this disconnect come from? One thought to keep in mind is that the dictionary definition may not necessarily reflect what feminism means in practice, right? Therefore, it is key to delve deeper into the attitudes of feminists themselves and their thoughts about men.

Both feminists and non-feminists alike hold the assumption that feminists harbour negative attitudes toward men (Elsesser, 2023). This belief is unfounded. A study in the journal Psychology of Women Quarterly found that both feminists and non-feminists largely hold positive opinions about men (Hopkins-Doyle et al., 2023). Feminists held similar views towards men as men did towards themselves (Hopkins-Doyle et al., 2023). Despite this, feminists themselves believed that their peers generally held negative perceptions towards men even if they did not. This misconception is clearly very persistent even though it was found to be false.

At its core, regardless of what some might spin the concept of feminism into meaning, feminism supports gender equality which is a sentiment many non-feminists support too. Just because someone who identifies as a feminist holds negative feelings about men it does not mean that this is a feminist ideal. Even if a person does not self-identify as a feminist, it is very possible that they actually agree with its basis. More nuanced critiques on the feminist movement are infinitely acceptable and useful, but this one is misguided. In clearing up the myth that feminism equates to misandry, more positive dialogue between its supporters and opposers can become possible and room for constructive discussion is achieved.

Works Cited

Barroso, A. (2020, July 7). 61% of U.S. women say ‘feminist’ describes them well; many see feminism as empowering, polarizing. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/07/07/61-of-u-s-women-say-feminist-d escribes-them-well-many-see-feminism-as-empowering-polarizing/

Beaver, K. (2022, March 4). One in three men believe feminism does more harm than good. Ipsos Group. https://www.ipsos.com/en/one-three-men-believe-feminism-does-more-harm-good

Elsesser, K. (2023, Nov. 7). Feminists don’t hate men, according to new research. Forbes. https://www.forbes.com/sites/kimelsesser/2023/11/27/feminists-dont-hate-men-accord ing-to-new-research/?sh=6ac64cef4df8

“Feminism (n), sense 3”. (2023, July). Oxford English Dictionary. https://doi.org/10.1093/OED/6092042326.

“Feminism”. (n.d.). Merriam-Webster.com dictionary. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/feminism

Hopkins-Doyle, A., et al. (2024). The Misandry Myth: An Inaccurate Stereotype About Feminists’ Attitudes Toward Men. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 48(1), 8-37. https://doi.org/10.1177/03616843231202708

Minkin, R. (2020, July 14). Most Americans support gender equality, even if they don’t identify as feminists. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/07/14/most-americans-support-gender -equality-even-if-they-dont-identify-as-feminists/

The New New Colossus: An Examination of Migration in Texas, Operation Lone Star and SB4

by Peter Xaiver Rossetti

Migration has always been a touchy subject in the modern political history of the Western world. Whether it is refugees in Europe or international students in Canada, political tensions skyrocket whenever public and government attention is placed on immigration. And nowhere is this currently more true than in the United States of America. As of the time of writing, the Texas state government, the US federal government and the Mexican government are in a Mexican standoff (no pun intended) over the state of migrants in Texas. Yet another case of political tensions heating past the boiling point when immigration is involved. Though, in order to understand why that is in this specific case, a step back is needed and the whole story needs to be told. And it starts with Texas, the Rio Grande Valley and barbed wire.

Back in 2021, Texas State Governor Greg Abbott announced his government’s new policy that would see the state crackdown on illegal immigration. The plan is called Operation Lone Star and it has turned the Rio Grande Valley into a war zone. Back in the summer of 2023, under the initiative of Operation Lone Star, Texas state authorities implemented razor sharp barbed-wire and “walls” built of old shipping containers to prevent any potential asylum seekers wishing to cross through the valley from Mexico to Texas from doing so (Gonzalez, 2023). In addition, Texas has also dispatched its own border task force composed of garrisoned troops, helicopters, air boats, and patrol trucks (Gonzalez, 2023). In the Rio Grande itself, the state has placed a roughly 1,000 foot-long string of buoys with nets and “saw-like blades” attached to the bottom to deter migrants from crossing where the river is at its lowest (Gonzalez, 2023). All of this has successfully made the Rio Grande Valley a very inhospitable landscape to those trying to cross into the US.

Yet, just because Texas is taking all of these measures, it does not mean that desperate migrants will not still try to cross into the US. Terribly, but predictably, these measures had resulted in the deaths of 3 migrants, 2 children and a woman, as they tried to cross in January of 2024 (The Associated Press, 2024). These deaths, however, seemed to have acted as the catalyst of public outrage against Operation Lone Star, which, in turn, finally brought real attention to the situation in Texas from the Biden administration. Washington was quick to point out that, in the US government system, immigration is a responsibility solely held by the federal government (The Associated Press, 2024). Meaning that Texas has no real legal argument to back up what it has been doing.

Nevertheless, this legal reality has not stopped Texas from drafting and attempting to implement its own state law that strictly deals with immigration. The law is known as Senate Bill 4, or SB4 for short, and it was passed by the Texas legislature and signed by Governor Abbott last year (Sheridan, 2024). However, due to the Biden administration claiming that it oversteps legal boundaries between state and federal power, the law has remained unenforced for now as it is deliberated over by the US court system and legal community (Sheridan, 2024). But what is SB4? Put simply, it would allow local Texan authorities, such as police officers and other state officials, to detain and deport migrants suspected to be illegally residing in the state – a responsibility usually held by federal authorities (Sheridan, 2024). Although no one, not even the local Texan authorities it would give power to, knows really how it will work if put into effect, the results of an effective SB4 are already clear. It is easy to deduce that it would result in a very disorganized and messy witch-hunt that would result in thousands of lives being destroyed.

The lives of these people have been seemingly overlooked by both state and federal governments in their fight over legality, state rights and federal responsibilities. It seems that all politically-charged decisions and discussions surrounding immigration, all over the West, forget (or actively ignore) the fact that these “illegal aliens” are people too. This dehumanization only acts to perpetuate this harmful outlook, which regulates the well-being of migrants as an afterthought, even further. However, not all hope is lost, for within this chaos there seems to be at least one figure which stands with the migrant community and that is Mexico.

Mexico, which has been a key US ally when it comes to handling immigration and border crossings, has placed its foot down. Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has publicly denounced SB4 and has gone on record stating that Mexico will resist any deportation attempts from Texan authorities (Sheridan, 2024). In the eyes of the Mexican government, the treatment of migrants in Texas has been inhumane, and, as a result, the country will stiffen its political poster and will not cooperate with the SB4 (Sheridan, 2024). The hope is that without anywhere to deport these migrants to, Texas will come to an agreement with both the federal and Mexican government that satisfies all parties. But until then, all three governments stand facing the others, in classic Mexican standoff fashion, just waiting for something to happen.

Mexico’s position in this politically red-hot situation reminds us all that SB4 and Operation Lone Star is not just about some arbitrary legalities and a division of powers but rather it is about people’s lives. No matter one’s own personal opinion on the legal-ness of the case that surrounds this current issue, the fact is that, no matter the outcome, thousands of human lives will change. The US is a country built on the idea that anyone, no matter their country of origin, can make it if they try. And nowhere is this better represented than in the poem, The New Colossus, by Emma Lazarus which planted the words,“give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free” deep into the American psyche and on the Statue of Liberty itself – the biggest beacon of American identity. But today that identity hangs in the balance. For if the US decides to turn its back on those reaching its lands for a better life now, did it ever really mean those words in the first place?

Works Cited

Gonzalez, M. (2023). Deadly buoys, razor wires, armed guards: Greg Abbott is fixated on keeping migrants out. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/aug/29/greg-abott-texas-governor-mexico-border-a sylum-seekers-risk

Sheridan, M. (2024). Mexico vows to fight effort by Texas to deport migrants under S.B.$

The Associated Press. (2024). White House, Texas exchange accusations, blame after drowning deaths of 3 migrants. CBC/Radio-Canada. https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/us-migrant-drownings-texas-1.7083842

Childhood in Crisis: Urgent Plea for Global Action in Gaza-Israel Conflict

by Viana Sadeghi

In the midst of the enduring conflict between Gaza and Israel, a profound humanitarian crisis is unfolding, casting its grim shadow most heavily upon the vulnerable lives of children. This narrative not only confronts the immediate casualties and destruction but also delves deep into the lasting impact etched upon the dreams and futures of the youngest victims (Russell, 2023). As we grapple with the intricacies of this crisis, the urgent need for comprehensive international intervention becomes evident. It is crucial to address both the immediate and long-term consequences faced by the children in Gaza and Israel, considering the enduring physical and mental health impacts. Therefore, this article seeks to explore the humanitarian crisis, characterizing it by the imminent threats to children’s lives and well-being, necessitating swift global intervention to protect the most vulnerable and disrupt the cycles of suffering perpetuated by ongoing conflict.

The urgency of the immediate humanitarian crisis is starkly underscored by alarming statistics, revealing that, on average, over 480 Palestinian children experience daily casualties, painting a harrowing picture of a dire emergency (Russell, 2023). The densely populated Gaza Strip transforms into a perilous trap, leaving children vulnerable to displacement and imminent harm. This crisis not only demands swift action but also a collective acknowledgment of the moral imperative to protect the most vulnerable amidst conflict. Analyzing this immediate crisis reveals a pressing need for a comprehensive international response, emphasizing the disproportionate impact on children and the necessity for urgent intervention beyond mere numerical considerations. The stark reality of daily casualties not only highlights the immediacy of the crisis but also underscores the critical need for swift and concerted efforts to avert further loss of innocent lives and protect the future of the youngest generation.

Moving beyond the immediate conflict, the dire living conditions in Gaza amplify the crisis manifold. For instance, the scarcity of clean water, forces reliance on polluted wells, creating a potential health catastrophe. Constant shelling and restricted movement further exacerbate the vulnerability of the population (Ruggeri, 2024). This intersection of conflict and environmental degradation transcends regional boundaries; it is a global concern demanding immediate and decisive international intervention. By exploring the environmental and health aspects of the crisis, a recognition emerges of the interconnectedness of conflict and its wider ramifications. The shortage of clean water, reliance on contaminated sources, and heightened risk of disease outbreaks pose a threat not only to the residents of Gaza but also to the collective commitment to uphold fundamental human rights. Thus, the imperative for humanitarian intervention becomes an embodiment of the global responsibility to protect basic human rights.

UNICEF executive’s emphasis on the enduring impact of conflict on children extends far beyond immediate casualties to the profound psychological toll on the youngest population. Over 816,000 children in Gaza were identified as needing mental health support even before the recent escalation, underscoring the chronic and systemic nature of the crisis (Russell, 2023). The perpetual state of stress and fear robs these children of a normal childhood and a promising future. This serves as a rallying cry for sustained attention and intervention, recognizing the enduring consequences of conflict on the younger generation. The aftermath of war should not become a life sentence for the youngest victims; it is a call to invest in the future, acknowledging the potential of these children despite the scars inflicted upon them.

The revelation that even the unborn bear the trauma of conflict is a poignant reminder of the intergenerational nature of the crisis. Studies indicate that babies in the womb experience the effects of maternal trauma, underscoring the profound and far-reaching consequences of war (Ruggeri, 2024). This realization challenges us to broaden our perspective, recognizing the deep-seated intergenerational impact of conflicts and the urgent need to break the cycle of violence. Bringing attention to the long-term societal consequences of conflict emphasizes the imperative to address not just the visible wounds but the deeply embedded scars echoing through generations. In acknowledging the unborn victims, a recognition emerges of the need for holistic approaches to post-conflict recovery, fostering conditions for sustainable peace and breaking free from the cycle of violence.

In conclusion, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and Israel demands urgent international intervention to address both immediate threats and long-term consequences (Russell, 2023). The statistics of daily child casualties highlight the dire emergency, necessitating swift and comprehensive action. The environmental and health ramifications of conflict underscore the interconnectedness of regional crises with global concerns, demanding decisive international intervention. The enduring impact on the physical and mental well-being of children, as emphasized by Russell, underscores the chronic and systemic nature of the crisis. It is a call for sustained attention and intervention, recognizing the enduring consequences of conflict on an entire generation. The revelation of unborn victims highlights the intergenerational nature of the crisis, challenging us to envision a future free from the shackles of war. In navigating this multifaceted crisis, our collective responsibility is to recognize the urgency, acknowledge the interconnectedness of global concerns, and advocate for comprehensive international intervention. It is a call to safeguard the most vulnerable, break the cycles of suffering perpetuated by ongoing conflict, and work towards a future where the innocence of children is no longer sacrificed at the altar of war.

Works Cited

Ruggeri, A. (2024, February 21). Many children must live with the trauma of war. Here’s how to help them. Bbc.com; BBC. https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20240220-ukraine-and-gaza-the-hidden-effects-of-war-trauma-on-children

Russell, C. (2023). Gaza and Israel: The cost of war will be counted in children’s lives. Unicef.org. https://www.unicef.org/gaza-israel-cost-of-war-counted-children-lives

Fighting Abroad: Canadian Soldiers in Ukraine

by Laura Modoveanu

With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine entering its third calendar year, there seems to be no sign of a resolution coming anytime soon. Some have decided to take matters into their own hands and offer support by enlisting as soldiers to fight for the Ukrainian side. Dmytro Kuleba, the Ukrainian Foreign Minister, said in 2022 that over 20,000 people from 52 countries volunteered to join Ukraine’s International Defence Legion (Burke, 2022). This article looks at the stories of three Canadian veterans who have joined the conflict.

Some volunteers, like “Wali”, who has been identified by a nickname, bypassed the application process altogether. He told CBC News “We needed to get as fast as possible to the front. So we don’t have time to register the ‘clean way.’ So we just go to the border, try to meet up with somebody.” (Burke, 2022). Wali is a former sniper for the Royal 22e Regiment regiment and served in Afghanistan, which is where he earned his nickname (Brewster, 2022). He says that he crossed the border from Poland to Ukraine with three other veterans where they were met with a positive response from Ukrainians. They are now working on properly joining the fight through official channels. However, foreign fighters are being asked to sign three-year contracts which are important for ensuring legal protection (Brewster, 2022). For example, being protected by humanitarian law in the event of being captured. The transition from civilian life to seeing the conflict first-hand has been difficult, though the “hardest part” is being away from his family (Brewster, 2022). Wali also runs a humanitarian organization called the Norman Group that has volunteered to send aid to eastern Ukraine. He sums up his reasons for enlisting by simply saying, “I don’t think the Ukrainians deserve what’s going on” (Brewster, 2022).

JT, also a retired soldier, moved out of his Ottawa home, telling CBC, “I can’t sit back and watch it anymore. I have to do something” (Tunney, 2022). He explains that he joined the Canadian Armed Forces in 1994 and that his experiences in Bosnia, Macedonia, Afghanistan, and more built his skills in combat engineering (Tunney, 2022). He aims to help with training but is open to help wherever he is needed and stay on to help with rebuilding. JT is especially focused on the burden the conflict is placing on younger soldiers and civilians who are “suddenly having to step up and do things that are normally repugnant to the average person” and are undergoing very traumatic conditions (Tunney, 2022). His actions go against Global Affairs Canada, which issued a travel advisory on February 1, 2022. The main danger is the lack of consular services and that the Canadian government may be unable to help citizens who are injured or captured in the conflict (Tunney, 2022). Nevertheless, JT understands that while he is only one person, “every drop fills a bucket…and ultimately, this is a fire that we need to put out.” (Tunney, 2022). He also admits that he is “prepared for whatever comes” and has “made peace with everything” in the event that he should not return home. He concludes, “But I guarantee that I’ll be pushing as hard as I can to the end if that is what happens.” (Tunney, 2022).

Dave Smith resigned from his job as a major in the Canadian armed forces to fight in Ukraine(Shannon,2024). His family was understanding, “I actually never had to explain it to them. My brother, when I told him — I was on a phone call with him and my sister — and he said something to the effect of ‘I can’t believe you’re not there already’” (Shannon, 2024). Unlike the previous examples, Smith joined a Belarussian unit that is not part of the International Legion, stating “They’re all kind of ideologically aligned with how serious I took the war. So I joined their unit” (Shannon, 2024). Though he is being paid and the Kremlin calls soldiers in his position “mercenaries”, Smith assures that he is not in it for the money; many do not “understand how ideologically motivated the foreign fighters in Ukraine are.” (Shannon, 2024). Partaking in trench warfare, the cold and snow are manageable but Smith finds his largest barrier is not language. It’s mud: “The mud in Ukraine defies physics. It gets everywhere. It’s on everything” (Shannon, 2024). On a more somber note, he recalls attending seven or eight funerals of his fellow soldiers and is now on break (Shannon, 2024). He quit the armed forces to spend time with his family but plans on rejoining later in the year. Smith calls on Western governments and the need for increased involvement, “They’re behaving quite cowardly – and they need to recognize that they need to fight, to defend themselves, if they don’t want to be defeated by people like Putin” (MacKinnon, 2023).

Overall, one might wonder what would urge these veterans to travel across the world and offer their services knowing that they are placing themselves in a potentially dangerous situation. As well as why this phenomenon is being seen for this specific conflict but not others. Also, the ability to “take a break” from the conflict is an interesting notion. Those living in the conflict zone have no such ability. With November 2023 being “the deadliest month so far for Canadians fighting in Ukraine, with three volunteers killed in action, adding to the six previously killed over the first 20 months of the war”, it is certainly a delicate environment (MacKinnon, 2023). However, these volunteer fighters are putting themselves in a dangerous situation of their own volition to fight for liberty and justice.

Works Cited

Brewster, M. (2022, March 5). Under a foreign flag: Canadian veterans explain why they’re fighting for Ukraine | CBC news. CBCnews. https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/ukraine-russia-putin-canadian-forces-1.6372259

Burke, A. (2022, March 11). Ukraine looking for foreign volunteers with military, medical experience, Embassy says | CBC News. CBCnews. https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/ukrainian-fighter-foreign-legion-medics-vets-1.638165 0

MacKinnon, M. (2023, December 18). Canadian fighters in Ukraine feel effects of West’s waning interest first-hand. The Globe and Mail. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/world/article-stakes-rise-for-ukraine-and-its-canadian -volunteers-as-world-interest/

Shannon, R. (2024, January 6). Canadian soldier explains why he’s returning to Ukraine’s eastern trenches. Global News. https://globalnews.ca/news/10204233/canadian-soldier-return-ukraine-eastern-trenches /

Tunney, J. (2022, June 14). “Can’t sit back and watch”: Former Canadian soldier joins fight in Ukraine | CBC news. CBCnews. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/ottawa/ukraine-ottawa-resident-ex-solider-1.6395798

The Ship Cemetery: A Violation of Workers Rights and Environmental Regulations in Bangladesh

by Peter Xaiver Rossetti

Massive cargo transport ships are something many tend not to think of. Despite the fact that the world is connected by these massive metal vessels traversing the world’s vast oceans and seas, transporting goods to and from ports all over the world, they remain nearly non-existent in the public imagination. Therefore it is fair to say that not much thought is ever given to what happens to these colossal steel beasts when they have reached the end of their life. This article aims to fix that. By shedding light on the industry of shipbreaking, specifically in Bangladesh, this article will present the brutal reality of what the ship cemetery is like – where ships go to die.

Shipbreaking, that is the work of dismantling old, end-of-life transport ships, has grown as an industry in the country of Bangladesh. On paper, it is a good deal for all involved. Wealthy European and North American transport companies ditch their unusable ships in Bangladesh and, in return, Bangladeshis receive wages and work and their government uses the industry to derive nearly 90% of the country’s steel supply (Rabbi & Rahman, 2017). Since 2020, the Bangladeshi shipbreaking industry has ripped apart more than 520 ships, far more than any other country (Human Rights Watch, 2023). However, in reality, shipbreaking is an industry fraught with workers’ rights violations and has terrible effects on the physical environment.

For context, the International Labour Organization has designated shipbreaking as one of the most dangerous jobs a human being can perform (Human Rights Watch, 2023). In the Bangladeshi shipbreaking industry, this bleak reality is coupled with the fact that workers are not at all well protected from or well informed about any potential dangers while working. This means that many Bangladeshi workers simply pick up a job as a shipbreaker and are given little to no training or education on safe procedures as well as no safety equipment such as hard-hats, tools or gloves (Human Rights Watch, 2023). The result is depressingly, but predictably, disaster. For example, as the shipbreaking industry was just beginning in Bangladesh in 2000, 50 workers died in an explosion while dismantling an old tanker (Rabbi & Rahman, 2023). Many other causes of work-related deaths include falling from extremely tall heights, lack of ventilation while working amongst leftover fumes and gasses as well as getting crushed by the massive, metal parts cut out from the ship (Rabbi & Rahman, 2023).

The effects these deaths have on the families of the workers are devastating. Many of these shipbreaking companies do not provide adequate compensation for a lost loved one, leaving these families not only emotionally distraught but financially struggling (Rabbi & Rahman, 2023). Since it is such a dangerous workplace there are always positions open in a shipbreaking yard, with many of these roles left by deceased adult workers being filled by children. Roughly 13% of those working in the shipbreaking industry are children; a number that jumps to 20% once those working the illegal night shifts are counted as well (Human Rights Watch, 2023).

The environmental cost of the shipbreaking industry is just as terrible. Instead of taking in these old ships at a proper dock or harbor, most of the time these ships simply run up onto the shore, “beaching” the vessel (Human Rights Watch, 2023). As soon as these ships have made it onto the beach, the process of shipbreaking begins right then and there. Meaning that all the leftover toxic chemicals and waste left in the ship run into the sand and are taken back out into the ocean with the tide (Human Rights Watch, 2023). An example of one of these destructive chemicals is asbestos, as many of these older ships used it as insulating material. As these ships are being taken apart, the asbestos makes its way into the beach environment, affecting local communities and marine wildlife by causing adverse health effects such as lung cancer (Rabbi & Rahman, 2017). And without any dedicated areas for shipbreaking, there is nothing preventing these chemicals from spreading.

Ultimately, the shipbreaking industry in Bangladesh is absolutely destructive. It has destroyed many individual lives, families, and local beach environments and will continue to do so unchecked unless real change is made. Though as of right now, there are two reasons why this change seems unlikely to occur in the foreseeable future. Firstly, although Western governments have made it illegal to send end-of-life ships to Bangladesh, these wealthy companies based in Europe and North America have found a loophole. By using middle men from other countries not subject to these same laws, these companies have found a way to still send their ships to the shipbreaking industry in Bangladesh (Human Rights Watch, 2023). The second reason lies in why these companies choose Bangladesh in the first place, namely, the fact that it is inexpensive to do so. Shipbreakers in Bangladesh are paid a fraction of the national legal minimum wage there, keeping operating costs low and hence attractive to foreign companies looking for a place to dump their old ships (Human Rights Watch, 2023).

Both of these reasons are what have allowed the shipbreaking industry to prosper in Bangladesh. And until these loopholes are patched and shipbreakers receive fair wages in Bangladesh, this stark reality will continue. The long-term adverse effects of the industry in the country are yet to be seen but further ecological degradation and lower wages for future generations can surely be speculated based on the current state of affairs discussed above. Meaning, that if things continue as they have, this ship cemetery will become the resting place for more than just transport vessels.

Works Cited

Human Rights Watch. (2023, September 28). Bangladesh: Shipping firms profit from Labor abuse. https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/09/27/bangladesh-shipping-firms-profit-labor-abuse

Rabbi, H. R., & Rahman, A. (2017). Ship Breaking and Recycling Industry of Bangladesh; Issues and Challenges. Procedia Engineering, 194, 254–259. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.proeng.2017.08.143

The Danger of Privatizing Climate Data

by Elsa Rollier

Climate change has become a daily topic of discussion. Whether it is to address a new climate catastrophe, new alarming scientific reports, or to debate its causes and solutions, climate change is constantly being covered in the media, and one could therefore think that access to climate information and data is rather easy. In other words, climate data could be regarded as some kind of public good, accessible to anyone willing to do their research. While it is true that a huge amount of information about climate change is public and easily accessible, climate data is also undergoing a process of privatization. This situation has given rise to debates about the potential benefits or dangers of this process concerning climate change assessment, adaptation and mitigation. In other words: how dangerous is the privatization of climate data?

As climate scientist Justin S. Mankin points out in a recent article, climate science and information are facing a process of “commodification” (Mankin, 2024). Indeed, the business of “climate services” or “climate analytics”- i.e. the data, analyses and models (such as weather forecasts, heat warnings or flood alerts) needed to comprehend and react to climate issues – is experiencing a significant growth, leading a to lot of capital being invested in that field (Mankin, 2024; Teirstein, 2023). For instance, the market of climate risk analytics is expected to experience a growth of “more than $4 billion globally by 2027” (Mankin, 2024). Indeed, the demand for climate data by investors or companies wishing to learn how and to what extent climate change will affect them financially is effectively expanding, creating massive potential for profits that climate services companies clearly sense (Dembecki, 2019). The commodification of climate science has therefore created a “market where climate data and risk models are treated as products to be bought and sold “ (Verhulst, 2024). This shift has deeply changed our way of creating and using science, for climate services providers to focus on specific local data customized for particular actors, instead of focusing on more national or global impacts of climate risks (Dembecki, 2019).

Some private actors defend this profit-oriented approach by arguing that having a more narrow and local risk assessment is an effective way for cities, companies and states to be better prepared for climate risks (Dembecki, 2019). For instance, climate services company Jupiter executive Rich Sorkin argues that companies like his are innovative, whereas government and academic institutions can be too cautious: “We’re years ahead of what the public sector is doing” (Dembecki, 2019). For him, the competition of companies in the private sector for profit can actually lead to the adoption of new technologies (Dembecki, 2019). Also, some of these private actors nuance the idea that the growth of the climate services market replaces traditional academic research (Dembecki, 2019). However, as Mankin points out, numerous members of the scientific community choose to work in high-revenue consulting or start-up jobs, instead of national labs or academic jobs; seen as too “slow-moving” regarding the acceleration of climate change and the urgency of the issue (Mankin, 2024).

In addition, some private actors also point out that public research and data about climate change, as well as the multiple warnings climate scientists have issued, have not triggered the global action necessary to avoid climate dangers (Dembecki, 2019). Another argument advanced by some private actors is that if private investors and corporations learn about the specific local climate risks and dangers they face that could have negative financial consequences for them; they will be incentivized not only to protect their individual goods, but also to push for larger scale climate solutions (Dembecki, 2019). As CEO of climate services company Four Twenty Seven Emilie Mazzacurati argues: “We need both global policy action, and we need corporations to prepare for specific impacts, […] The realization of how complex [and costly] those impacts are … should help motivate greater policy engagement.” (Dembecki, 2019). Indeed, some argue that: “When you change the narrative and you start discussing the impact that climate change will have on them rather than how evil they are … then you have a completely different conversation,”, which is “likely to trigger action” (Dembecki, 2019). But how much action does this dynamic actually trigger? Probably not as much as these actors would like. To illustrate this, Dembecki takes the example of the oil company Royal Dutch Shell, which in 2017, after learning about the negative financial consequences a shift towards lower-carbon energy could have on their business, chose to divest $7.25 billion from Canada’s oil sands. However, this action did not stop the company from spending $53 billion to buy fossil fuel company BG Group, while still making most of its profit through the fossil fuel industry (Dembecki, 2019).

Therefore, it is wise to question who actually gains from the development of this private climate services market, and whether the self-interest of powerful private actors actually aligns with society’s general interest. As Svenja Keele, a researcher at the University of Melbourne, affirms: “We need to be alert to the possibility that [climate] service delivery models — couched in the language of entrepreneurialism, efficiency, utility, customization, and flexibilization — merely entrench the status quo … rather than support transformational and equitable responses to climate change” (Dembecki, 2019). This reality is even acknowledged by private actors such as Sorkin: “We don’t really see underdeveloped communities or countries as profit generators for us”, admitting that the approach of the private sector isn’t likely to help most vulnerable communities (Dembecki, 2019). Accordingly, the risk of privatizing climate data is to render information about climate risks inaccessible to disadvantaged communities – who are also the most affected by climate change (Mankin, 2024). Indeed, in this situation, only people who have the resources to pay for expensive private risk analyses and assessment will have access to the necessary information to prepare themselves, or to navigate through the complex public data already available (Mankin, 2024). On the other hand, people who do not have the money to afford such analyses will remain exposed to climate risks without having the right tools to prepare for them (Mankin, 2024). This could indeed have very serious consequences, as Mankin illustrates through the example of “AccuWeather”, a weather data company offering public and free weather forecasts, as well as premium “customized” forecasts for clients paying a fee (Mankin, 2024). One of the company’s clients, a railroad company called “Union Pacific”, used AccuWeather’s customized service and was warned of an approaching tornado, which it was, therefore, able to avoid (Mankin, 2024). However, that same tornado caused the death of a dozen people in a town that did not pay for AccuWeather’s customized data and did not, therefore, have access to the proper information to prepare themselves for this climate danger (Mankin, 2024). In addition, another risk of depending on the private sector to access climate data is that information coming from private companies does not face the same “scrutiny” as public science, which could lead to a lack of transparency concerning the efficacy and risks of their models (Mankin, 2024).

The importance of having access to climate data led Mankin to evoke the concept of a “right to science” (Mankin, 2024). Indeed, as he points out, the UN Paris Climate Agreement of 2015, which was adopted by almost 200 countries, aims to strengthen “the global response to climate change by increasing the ability of all to adapt and build resilience, and reduce vulnerability.”(Mankin, 2024). This includes the right to access the information necessary to adapt to climate change, which could be considered a fundamental right for humanity (Mankin, 2024). Providing such access would demand various efforts from private and public actors. Some, like Verhulst, introduced the concept of “data collaboratives”, where private and public actors create innovative partnerships in order to make data more accessible to serve public interest goals (Verhulst, 2024). Another solution to provide publicly available climate information could be websites where people would “quickly access a clear climate risk assessment for where they live based on validated, transparent and reproducible science without entering their credit card information to pay for it” (Mankin 2024). Universities could also “develop and make available customized information on local climate threats and how to best manage them” while building connections with their communities (Mankin 2024). In other words “The goal should be to create an ecosystem where data is not just a commodity to be traded but a resource to empower communities and science and foster a more informed, equitable world” (Verhulst, 2024).

The private sector will obviously very likely continue to produce data and services relating to climate. But it is important that it is not the only or the primary actor to do so. Climate data serves multiple purposes and its accessibility is essential for communities to be able to assess their exposure to climate risks, prepare for and manage it. Providing public access to understandable climate risk data and assessments to everyone regardless of resources is therefore necessary. As Mankin points out: “Global warming is a collective tragedy, and so its solutions, especially around information for adapting to the risks it portends, must be a public good” (Mankin, 2024).

Works Cited

Mankin, J. S. (2024, January 20). The people have a right to climate data. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/20/opinion/climate-risk-disasters-data.html

Hardoon, D. (n.d.). To leave no one behind, we must use data to address climate inequalities. Development Initiatives. https://devinit.org/blog/leave-no-one-behind-data-climate-inequalities/

Teirstein, Z. (2023, November 27). Climate data saves lives. most countries can’t access it. Canada’s National Observer. https://www.nationalobserver.com/2023/11/27/news/climate-data-saves-lives-most-countries-can t-access-it

Verhulst, S. G. (2024, January 23). Are we entering a “Data winter”? Medium. https://sverhulst.medium.com/are-we-entering-a-data-winter-f654eb8e8663

Dembicki, G. (2019, September 30). Climate data is being privatized. will the public lose out?. Undark Magazine. https://undark.org/2019/08/20/climate-services-private-data-public-good/